美国与菲律宾两国之间关系属于典型的非对称型同盟关系。1898年美西战争美国获胜，美国自西班牙手中获得菲律宾作为其亚洲唯一殖民地。在长达半个世纪的殖民统治中，美国对菲律宾的政治制度、经济结构、语言文化进行了全面和深入的改造。二战结束后，美国给予菲律宾独立，两国建成友邦。在冷战初期，美国便通过《共同防御条约》将两国关系从友邦转为安全同盟，美还通过缔结《东南亚集体防务条约》及修订美菲之间经贸协定等方式，有效强化了同盟管理，巩固了美菲同盟。美建立美菲同盟的外交决策，旨在实现亲美政治、健康经济、美控制下的军事基地这几点政策目标。菲加入美国“自由世界”阵营，提供23处军事基地和设施供美军使用，参与对社会主义国家的遏制与对抗，同时也获得美国的战争赔偿、军事援助、经济援助及经贸特殊安排，得到美国的安全保护及经济支持。 在菲马科斯政府时期(1965年-1986年)，美菲同盟关系经过“M”型的起伏变化，两国在越战、军管法、美削减在亚洲的存在、人权、军事基地谈判、美菲《共同防御条约》适用范围、民主政治正常化方面存在矛盾与分歧。美国作为非对称同盟的强实力一方，多采用承诺或削减安全义务、援助奖励与援助制裁、政治渗透等同盟管理手段，迫使菲马科斯政府在援越问题、军事基地方面履行同盟义务，主导同盟关系的性质与发展。而弱实力一方的菲马科斯政府，在同盟关系中更多扮演追随者和搭便车者角色，其对美国存严重安全与经济依赖，对美国安全政策的变化脆弱性和敏感性较强，更多陷入“被牵连”和“被抛弃”的同盟困境。但在美菲同盟关系中，菲马科斯政府也并非毫无作为，其拥有执行民族主义(一定程度显示为反美主义)内外政策、配合反共、基地使用问题三大有力武器可资作为同盟反制手段。特别是在马科斯实施军管法之后，其摆脱了选举制度下的任期制制约，没有反对派、立法机构、媒体的掣肘，可资使用的反制工具和空间增多，尤其是在反共和基地议题的使用、议题联系等方面炉火纯青，效果颇佳。反观美政府却充分暴露出“官僚政治模式”所剖析的种种弊端，其外交决策受到政党任期制限制、两党制的相互掣肘、国会对行政机构的监督、受到不同政府部门与机构之间的讨价还价，对菲决策及实践成效屡显失当。 笔者主要使用美政府官方解密档案，通过史料发掘与分析，对美菲在这一时期围绕越战出兵交涉、《共同防御条约》在南海的应用之辩、军事基地谈判、美渗透影响菲政治反对派、美政府与菲天主教会互动做深入阐述，填补一些前人研究中的空白或纠正一些研究中的史实谬误。笔者以外交决策理论入手，全面梳理约翰逊、尼克松、福特、卡特、里根政府时期对菲政策的演变过程，厘清美对菲外交决策的战略依据与政策目标发展进程，从而勾勒美对菲外交决策机制与具体程序，并对美外交决策与实践效果进行评估总结。笔者以同盟理论为论文的主要研究分析框架，通过对美对菲21年政策演变梳理，总结非对称同盟关系的同盟管理规律，特别是补充提出，非对称同盟中弱实力一方在同盟管理中并非无所作为，而是存在主动反制的意愿与能力，双方共同推动同盟关系的动态调整与发展演变。 关键词：外交决策 同盟 美国 菲律宾 马科斯政权

 The relationship between the United States and the Philippines is a typical asymmetric alliance. In 1898, the United States won the Spanish-American war and acquired the Philippines from Spain as its only colony in Asia. During its half-century colonial rule, the United States conducted a comprehensive and in-depth transformation of the Philippine political system, economic structure, language and culture. After world war Ⅱ, the United States granted independence to the Philippines and the two countries became friendly countries. In the early days of the Cold War, the United States transformed the bilateral relations from a friendly one to a security alliance through the Mutual Defense Treaty (MDT). The United States also effectively strengthened the alliance management and consolidated the alliance between the United States and the Philippines by concluding the Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty and revising the Economic and Trade Agreement between the United States and the Philippines. The strategic objectives of US policy to establish a U.S.-Philippines alliance are shaping a pro-U.S. government, a healthy economy and making the U.S. unhampered use of military bases. The Philippines joined the free world led by the United States, providing 23 military bases and facilities for the use of the U.S. military, participating in the containment and confrontation against socialist countries, and at the same time obtaining the war damage compensation, military and economic assistance and special economic and trade arrangements of the United States, under the security protection and economic support of the United States. During the Marcos' regime (1965-1986), The U.S.-Philippines alliance has undergone "M-shape" ups and downs. There are contradictions and differences between the two countries in terms of the Vietnam war, martial law, U.S. cutting its presence in Asia, human rights, military bases negotiation, the scope of application of the MDT, as well as the normalization of democratic politics. As the strong side of the asymmetric alliance, the United States often managed the alliance through commitment or reduction of security obligations, aid awards and sanctions, and political infiltration, forcing the Marcos regime to fulfill its alliance obligations in terms of aid to Vietnam and military bases, to dominate the nature and development of the alliance. On the other hand, as the weak side, the Marcos regime played the role of follower and free-rider in the alliance relationship. It relies deeply on the security and economy of the United States, and shows conspicuous vulnerability and sensitivity to the changes of the security policy of the United States. It is more likely to fall into the alliance dilemma of "entrapped" and "abandoned". However, in the alliance, the Marcos regime has three countermeasures as follows, the nationalism domestic and foreign policies (to a certain extent, anti-Americanism), cooperation on anti-communist and the use of bases. In particular, after Marcos declared the martial law, he got rid of the restriction of the election system and the restriction of the opposition, legislature and media, and had more tools and space to use, especially in the use of anti-communist and military base issues. On the contrary, the disadvantages of the "bureaucratic political model" of U.S. Administrations were fully exposed. US foreign policy decision-makings were restricted by the political cycle, the mutual restriction of the two-party system, the check and balance from the congress, the bargaining between different government departments and institutions, and its policy decisions and practice results are often improper. After reading the latest declassified US government archives, and through the historical materials collection and analysis, the author tries to elaborate the following issues, the bargain process between the United States and the Philippines on sending troops to Vietnam, the debate on the application issue of the mutual defense treaty in South China Sea, military bases negotiations, the U.S. penetration into the Philippine political opposition, and the interaction between the U.S. government and the Philippine Catholic church etc. Based on Foreign Policy Decision Making theory, the author tries to explain the evolution of policies on the Philippines of U.S. administrations, including Johnson, Nixon, Ford, Jimmy Carter, and Ronald Reagan, to clarify the strategic basis and development process of policy objectives, to figure out the mechanism and application of the FPDM, and also to evaluate and summarize the effects of the U.S. FPDM. Based on the alliance theory, the author tries to summarize the management rules of asymmetric alliance, and at the same time, the author identifies that the weak side in the asymmetric alliance is not doing nothing, on the contrary, it has the willing and ability to counter the strong side effectively. Therefore, the dynamic adjustment of the U.S.-Philippines alliance evolution and development is promoted together by both sides. Keywords: United States, the Philippines, alliance, FPDM, Marcos Regime